Categoría: Previous Issues Articles

This is also sometimes the case when looking at the many pieces that will make up the Paris package. For example, most people see the Lima Paris Action Agenda (LPAA) as a forum to bring together state and non-state actors to accelerate cooperative climate action.

Yet, from another perspective, the LPAA could also be seen as something else–the first test for a more permanent high-level action agenda that Paris should establish. A permanent high-level engagement platform would be a key element of a strong Workstream 2 decision. As proposed by AOSIS, this action agenda would be led by two high-level champions, who are prominent global individuals with the stature and connections to rally the world to close the emissions gap to 1.5°C.

Given the important example the LPAA would set, it needs to get off on the right foot.
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One message that transpired from Monday’s leaders’ event was that developed countries claim to have a lot of solidarity with vulnerable countries. Good. ECO assumes they are now planning to turn warm words into action–and answer Africa’s call to double the share of adaptation finance in overall climate finance, from today’s 16% to 32% by 2020, a call first heard at the pre-COP a few weeks ago.

This would lead to US$32 billion a year by 2020 for adaptation, within the $100 billion promise, so (good news) no new money would have to be found. Rather, such a target would be a qualification of the $100 billion promise, and likely find support among vulnerable countries from all continents and contribute to the building of an alliance of ambition here in Paris.

However, when ECO spoke to developed countries about this, some offered rather lame excuses (so much for solidarity). One negotiator said setting such a target was too prescriptive–as if developing countries haven’t been asking for increased adaptation finance for ages. Another tried to dodge the challenge, claiming there are not enough adaptation projects in the pipeline, although admitted that if poor countries would be provided with readiness and capacity building support, that pipeline would get clogged in no time, and demand for finance would skyrocket.
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ECO is happy to see that ‘Fast for the Climate’ is back at the climate talks. ECO is sure that readers will remember Warsaw, when former Filipino climate ambassador Yeb Saño’s impassioned speech sparked a movement of thousands to abstain from eating for periods of time to demand climate action.

Fast for the Climate has taken quite a journey around the world, even reaching the little country of Tuvalu, where they fasted during the Lima COP. ECO even heard about someone who has fasted for the climate every day since the Lima COP, up to the start of Paris.

Today, Fast for the Climate has grown to 10,000 people worldwide. It includes people from all walks of life and many religious backgrounds. Tonight, when they break their fast, these 10,000 people will feast together in celebration of how their actions have brought awareness to their call for a 100% renewable world by 2050, in solidarity with vulnerable countries, robust support to poor countries, addressing loss and damage–and for us all to rethink our lifestyles and lead by example.

If people from all religions, continents and backgrounds can come together to fast, can’t the world’s leaders also stand together to make this COP the one moment in history where the world started to get serious about dealing with climate change?

In your country, does traffic drive on the left or the right? Imagine a road filled with large trucks, driving at uncontrollable speeds, on both sides of the road, and you’re in the middle of it all – on a bicycle. Exactly! When rules aren’t clear or don’t work properly, the most vulnerable that suffer most. That’s why ECO is a great fan of transparency and rules, especially on measuring, reporting and verification (MRV).

The Paris agreement should enable a transition towards a common and robust transparency framework for action, and for support by developed countries; with finance and capacity building for all developing countries who need it, to enable this transition. Clear rules will also support a strong Paris Ambition Mechanism. This transparency framework needs to be tiered and dynamic to recognise differing capabilities while progressing towards common accounting and MRV, and include clear criteria to prohibit double counting. The agreement should also elaborate the information requirements for future INDCs.

Traffic rules help you to know what to expect from others on the road. Clear rules also incentivise good behaviour because everyone can see if they aren’t followed. Or what else will stop a truck from pushing you and your bike off the road?
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The current agreement text removes all substantive commitments found in the original Geneva text, in favour of vague statements in optional paragraphs 7.4 and 7.5. The proposed decision text focuses primarily on technology needs assessments (TNAs). Only in paragraph 50 does it include specific commitments by developed countries on intellectual property (IPRs) and financial support.

History suggests that:

1) Substantive commitments are likely to be limited to TNAs unless developing countries hold strong on demands for finance and policies and measures to be included in the decision text;

2) Developing country demands for technology support and policies will be traded for institutional changes and the development of the technology framework .

The largest amount of technology text is aimed at the establishment of a new technology framework, to be developed by the new Intergovernmental Preparatory Committee (IPC) and adopted by the CMA at its first session. What this framework will entail remains unclear, but references to the 4/CP.7 framework suggest it will address: technology needs assessment, technology information, enabling environments, capacity building and mechanisms for technology transfer.
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