Category: Previous Issues Articles

Speed is vital when it comes to climate protection. Immediate action to cut HFCs could contribute much to keep the global temperature rise to under 1.5°C. Enacting a global phase-down of HFCs could yield up to 100 billion tonnes of emissions reductions by mid-century, and up to 200 billion tonnes if we make a parallel effort to improve the efficiency of the appliances using HFCs as refrigerants. Around the world, the vision for a future without HFCs is becoming a reality as governments move ahead with plans to phase down production and consumption under the Montreal Protocol.

ECO has some recommendations to MOP negotiators to ensure a fabulous going away party for HFCs this year:

• Fix a time and date: We need a swift global agreement to address the consumption and production of HFCs. An extraordinary MOP is scheduled in Vienna (22-23 July) to finalise the HFC agreement, where Parties should seal the deal.
• Set a party theme or mood: ECO suggests the theme “high ambition” for this gathering. Each guest has to come with the highest ambition. The resumed 37th and 38th OEWG meetings in Vienna just before the extraordinary MOP is the perfect place to lay the groundwork and prepare for the party.

The world’s poorest and most vulnerable nations–who have done the least to cause climate change–are already mobilising resources to cope with the brunt of climate-related harm. When these countries call for finance to address loss and damage, it’s just another reminder that the burden has to be shared much more fairly. It should be paid for by the historical and big polluters – both corporations and states. However, some seem to lack an understanding of what we need L&D finance for.

Climate risk insurance, which allows vulnerable nations and people to transfer risk to bodies with more stable financial bases, is only one aspect of the L&D response. Financial commitments to these risk insurance pools are certainly welcome, but one-time donations are not enough. Developed countries can and must do more to support insurance schemes. They can’t be used as a way of shifting the responsibility and cost from polluters to the vulnerable. Contributions must be sustained, predictable, support the premiums of those who cannot afford them, and increase steadily as climate damage intensifies.

Insurance is not the be-all and end-all of an effective L&D response. By definition, non-economic losses and damages, like loss of life, culture and livelihoods, not to mention land, cannot easily be compensated by payouts.
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ECO is confused. In last Wednesday’s SBI contact group on Arrangement for Intergovernmental Meetings (AIM), a number of Parties and civil society representatives raised concerns. While they recognise the importance of enhancing participation by observer organisations, they are concerned about the potential conflicts of interest that may arise when the UNFCCC engages with observers with a commercial interest. Parties requested that rules on conflicts of interest be established to protect the integrity of the UNFCCC.

Attempting to meet Parties’ concerns on Thursday, the Secretariat set out the rules in place for both the observer admission process and the UNFCCC’s engagement with the private sector (respectively UNFCCC Rules of Procedure and the UN Guidelines on Cooperation between the United Nations and the Business Sector). But, here’s the tension: neither address conflicts of interest.

So, how is the UNFCCC identifying and addressing conflicts of interest of potential observers? Now you see why we’re confused.

But we’re also worried. The Paris Agreement swings the door wide open to non-state actors, including the private sector, to enhance climate action and engage in the policymaking process. While the objectives of the UNFCCC are to protect people and the planet from the effects of climate change, and therefore act for the common good, the private sector’s objectives are first and foremost to maximise profits.
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ECO wants to provide a hearty welcome to Ambassador Patricia Espinosa to replace everyone’s favourite Tica.

The incoming UNFCCC head as a highly respected diplomat, who thoroughly knows the climate issue and appreciates how fundamental trust and an inclusive approach are for progress. However, diplomacy is not enough. We need ambition, equity and means of implementation. And we need them fast!

The 2018 facilitative dialogue is the ideal moment for countries to bring their NDCs in line with the 1.5°C goal of the Paris Agreement. Espinosa can champion early ratification and early entry into force. But she will mindfully ensure that finance pledges made by wealthy nations must be adequate to fund mitigation and adaptation actions in developing countries. She’ll need to help build the critical review and reporting system on whether countries are meeting their commitments. And she’ll be dealing with some tough customers – national industries and private companies pushing back against the rapid low-carbon transition that we so urgently need.

The role of non-state actors in implementing the Agreement—especially indigenous peoples, NGOs, cities and the private sector—will be essential. Espinosa must commit to continue making the UNFCCC more inclusive and participatory.

The Mexican government and national NGOs alike are delighted with the news of Espinosa’s nomination.
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ECO welcomes the G7 environment ministers’ commitment to develop and communicate their long-term low-GHG emission development strategies “as soon as possible” and before 2020. The G7 should also show leadership by using good long-term planning to bid our carbon-based economies a rapid retirement. Here are six key steps they should take:

1. Take action now

Financial planning 101 is easy: you can’t wait until you’re old to start preparing for retirement! The G7 needs to commit to developing their long-term low-GHG emissions strategies this year, and call for the other G20 members to do the same by 2018. By respecting this timeline, the collective impact of the decarbonisation strategies are an important step towards the 2018 facilitative dialogue. This provides the basis for assessing the revised NDCs being put forward no later than 2020, on the basis of equity and the latest science.

2. Plan consistently with your objectives

If Parties are truly committed to keeping temperature increases well below 1.5ºC, then immediate action in all sectors and long-term development trajectories need to be consistent with this goal.

3. Maximise co-benefits

Long-term decarbonisation strategies are key in achieving the goals of the Paris Agreement, and come with the added bonus of co-benefits.
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In Paris, civil society was thrilled to note Parties’ commitment to promote climate education, public participation, public access to information, as well as public awareness and training.

Since the 2012-2020 Doha Work Programme on Article 6, Action for Climate Empowerment (ACE), is subject to a review at this session, ECO came to Bonn looking forward to engaging with Parties in identifying practical proposals to ensure enhanced implementation.

Considering the mandate provided by the Paris Agreement, ECO knows that Parties don’t want to leave Bonn having only taken stock of activities over the past four years, without a more forward-looking vision. The dictionary could hardly be less ambiguous about this: enhance: VERB – “to increase or improve (something)”. This a review we’re certain Parties can earn high marks for if they work hard.

If there were any doubts about how to look beyond current activities, ECO has an ace or two up its sleeve for Parties’ consideration:

1. Break down the silos: ensure the elements of the Doha Work Programme are integrated across all areas of work under the Convention–refocusing the annual in-session dialogues, for instance, could help strengthen the linkages between ACE and other policy areas.

2. Strengthen work on the ground: the Doha Work Programme should learn from its predecessors–the New Delhi Work Programmes–and enhance the engagement of stakeholders and government experts through regional workshops.
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With two women leading the APA now, Ludwig has heard about continuing progress by increasing the number of women leading national delegations at the COPs. Ludwig does have to wonder if he’ll live long enough to witness gender balance at the head of delegation level though. If Parties’ efforts to promote gender balance continue at the same pace, it will take until COP 46 (in 2040!) before half of the delegations will be led by women. Given that Parties committed to gender balance when they last met in Marrakesh some 15 years ago, Ludwig hopes to see a much stronger commitment to gender equality this November.

What’s your UNFCCC alter-ego? Who do you transform to in the hallways of Bonn, away from home? Are you a hardened late night policy obsessive always ready with a highlighter, or do you prefer to track via Twitter? Take ECO’s latest quiz to find out (answers provided on the back page)!

1. What do Azerbaijan, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Brazil, Chile, Ghana, Namibia, Peru, the Republic of Korea, Singapore, South Africa, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Tunisia and Viet Nam all have in common? (One point for a correct answer)
2. How many of these acronyms can you spell out: ICA, MRV, FSV, BUR, SBI, TR, BAU? (One point for each correct answer)
3. What do all the acronyms above have in common? (One point for a correct answer)
4. What is the targeted annual emissions level in South Africa in 2020? (A half point for a correct answer)
5. What is the quantitative goal for Peru’s energy NAMA? (One point for a correct answer)
6. Which institution under the UNFCCC is the most non-intrusive, non-punitive and respectful of national sovereignty? (One point for a correct answer)

If you scored 10.5-11.5: You are an Australopithecus Africanus. You migrate between Bonn and Sterkfontein and your favourite relative is Lucy.
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Judging from conversations overheard in the corridors, developed countries may finally be getting excited about the idea of preparing a 2020 climate finance roadmap. After suggesting this for years,  ECO is in an appreciative mood.

Given the mixed outcomes on finance in Paris, the unmistakable call for such a roadmap is an opportunity to get back on track.

The question now is what the roadmap should contain. Its purpose should be clear: to demonstrate how developed countries will deliver on the promise of US$100 billion a year.

ECO suggests that the roadmap should outline scenarios for the variety of instruments and channels to help deliver this pledge, as well as types and purposes of finance that play a role in the context of the commitment. This will also include identifying barriers and actions to make these scenarios possible. Countries will need to look at the range of available multilateral funds, such as the Green Climate Fund and the Least Developed Countries Fund, reflect on the role of the multilateral development banks to help developed countries deliver on their promises, draw scenarios for evolving bilateral assistance, and enhance direct access and country ownership.

To give the roadmap teeth, it should offer quantitative information too.
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